Intimate Relationship Behaviors of Cuban Male College Students
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To assess the influence of acculturation and religiosity on the intimate relationship behaviors of Cuban males, 62 male college students from Cuba answered questions regarding their acculturation to American society, religiosity, and dating and sexual history. Cuban males whose parents allowed them to date at an early age, went on their first date and had their first girlfriend similar to the age when parents allowed dating, and had their first sexual encounter within three years of dating initiation. Religiosity impacted when parents allowed dating and first sexual encounter of youth. Acculturation impacted age at initial dating, first girlfriend, and first sexual encounter. Cuban males who were less acculturated to American society were at an increased risk of early dating behaviors and early sexual activity.
The Latino population in the United States is the fastest growing immigrant population at this time. According to the United States Census Bureau (2001), there are 35.3 million Latinos living in the United States, accounting for 12.5 percent of the overall population. Estimates suggest that by the year 2050 the Latino population will make up 24 percent of the total population (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2001).
The Latino population is extremely diverse, containing few universal characteristics. It has been suggested that the only common feature Latinos share is that they can trace their family heritage to one of the countries in Latin America (Massey, 1993). Other than that, they can be any race, speak English or Spanish (or both), migrate from twenty different countries, and be foreign born or native born to the United States (Driscoll et al., 2001). The term "Latino" was created by the U.S. Census Bureau to account for immigrants from Mexico, Cuba, Puerto Rico, Central America and South America (Driscoll et al., 2001). In the current study, the term "Latino" is used to match the definition provided by the U.S. Census Bureau; when speaking about a particular subgroup of the overall "Latino" population, country of origin is used to clarify. For the most part, Latinos reside within the largest and fastest growing cities/states (for example, Texas, California, New York, Florida) in the United States, but are slowly moving into more rural areas (U.S. Census, 2001). Of particular interest in the current study are immigrant males from Cuba currently attending higher education in Miami Florida. Cubans are the third largest Latino immigrant group with more than 50 percent of Cuban immigrants residing in Miami Florida (Grenier, 2006; Queralt, 1984). [page 98]
Latino youth are growing as a percentage of the total youth population in America at a faster rate than the overall Latino population. The rise in the Latino immigrant population is due to high immigration trends (U.S. Census, 1999) as well as high birth rates in comparison to their non-Latino counter parts. For instance, in 2009, Latino women had the highest fertility rates at 21 births per 1,000 women when compared to non-Latino white (11 births per 1,000 women) and non-Latino black women (15 births per 1,000 women) (National Center for Health Statistics, 2010); this includes teenage pregnancies. Latina adolescents have an increased chance of becoming pregnant and bearing children during adolescents than non-Latino youth (National Campaign to Prevent Teen Pregnancy, 2001).
Dating Behaviors
There appears to be very rigid gender role expectations among male and female Latinos (Carillo, 1982), which are subsequently demonstrated by their different dating patterning behaviors. Males are desired to portray very masculine characteristics, such as being proud, authoritarian, possessive in romantic relationships, and revengeful when desecrated (Jones & Korchin, 1982). Latino men are expected to exhibit machismo (for example, be strong, providers of the family, courage, honor, pride) (Marin & Marin, 1991; Pavich, 1986). The process of achieving machismo may include such things as fighting, alcohol consumption, and sexual pursuits in an attempt to demonstrate a higher level of masculinity (Pavich, 1986). There is also an underlying assumption that no male has truly achieved machismo until after fathering a child (Alvirez et al., 1981; Mirande, 1988; Pavich, 1986). Latino females, on the other hand, are expected to demonstrate marianismo, which is the polar opposite of machismo. Marianismo emphasizes chastity, premarital virginity, obedience to males, and care giving of family members (Baca Zinn, 1982; Pavich, 1986). There tends to be a double standard in terms of premarital virginity; females are expected to remain virgins by both their male and female peers, where neither sex expects males to maintain their virginity. This double standard is evident in the differing dating behaviors.
Previous research has documented that the timing of sexual activity is different between Latino males and females, with males having sex at a younger age and having more frequency of sexual activity than females (Driscoll et al., 2001; Raffaelli, Zamboanga, & Carlo, 2005). For the most part, research has concluded that Latino males are more involved in dating behaviors, initiating dating and sexual activity earlier than Latino females (Driscoll et al., 2001). It has been reported that adolescent male Latinos have higher rates of sexual intercourse and more sexual partners than females (Raffaelli, 2005).
More specifically, Latino females tend to delay involvement in early forms of dating, such as associating with a dating partner and friends (Raffaelli, 2005). Latino females also participate in unsupervised dating later than Latino males (Raffaelli, 2005). However, both Latino males and females have been found to experience their first serious relationship at similar ages (Raffaelli, 2005). This could indicate that there is a smaller gap between age at initial dating and age at first sexual activity for Latino females than for Latino males, which may pose an explanation to the elevated risk of early pregnancy and child birth for Latino females (National Campaign, 2001). In addition, previous research has illustrated that 10 percent of Latino youth become [page 99]sexually active prior to age 13, compared to only 5 percent of white American adolescents (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2000). This gendered difference in the timing of dating initiation and sexual activity among Latino males and females may best be explained by not only the double standard for males and females (machismo and marianismo) but also by acculturation (Ford & Norris, 1993; Sabogal et al., 1995) and religiosity (Beckwith & Morrow, 2005; Lefkowitz et al., 2004; Mahoney, 1980; Pearce & Thornton, 2007) as well as the parental practices of Latino parents (Flores, Eyre, & Millstein, 1998; Hovell et al., 1994; Raffaelli & Ontai-Grzebik, 2004; Villaruel, 1998). In turn, parental practices may also be impacted by acculturation and religiosity measures.
Parents Influence
Parents play an important role in the intimate relationship formation patterns of their children. Previous research suggests that parental control, monitoring, and supervision of adolescents influence their dating and sexual attitudes and behaviors (Dorn-busch et al., 1985; Hogan & Kitagawa, 1985). Unfortunately, many parents find this time in their journey of parenthood to be troublesome and difficult (Gray & Steinberg, 1999; Zani, 1993). This time may especially be difficult for immigrant and minority parents if their expectations and values for intimacy differ from the vast majority (Barkley & Mosher, 1995; Espin, 1984). The norms of the larger American culture differ substantially from those held dear within the Latino community. Specifically, the rigid gender role expectations of the larger Latino community may conflict with the gender role and sexual expectations of the host society. Latino parents may therefore have difficulty imprinting their culture's traditional values on their children as children become more acculturated to American society (Barkley & Mosher, 1995).
Generally, Latino parents have a particular pattern of childrearing for their male and female children (Carillo, 1982). Because females are seen as vulnerable to the demands of the sexually aggressive male (Jones & Korchin, 1982), daughters are protected from possible sexual encounters by either keeping them at home or chaperoning activities outside of the home (Pavich, 1986). Ultimately, females are expected to be submissive to males while maintaining sexual purity (Jones & Korchin, 1982). Boys, on the other hand, are seen as independent and masculine (Jones & Korchin, 1982). As a result, parents encourage their boys to avoid any activity that may pose a threat to their masculinity (Jones & Korchin, 1982). Also, boys are encouraged to explore their manhood and sexual identity by engaging in sexual conquests (Pavich, 1986); as a result of these cultural values, Latino males are generally free of restraint to explore their own sexuality (Flores, Eyre, & Millstein, 1998), making parents more lax in their rules regarding dating for their male children. Latino parents, however, retain the cautious approach to sexuality for their daughters (Hovell et al., 1994; Raffaelli & Ontai-Grzebik, 2004; Villaruel, 1998).
Acculturation
Acculturation is how immigrants adapt to their new environments by modifying values, attitudes, behaviors, language, and norms of their home country (Clark & Hofsess, 1998; Ebin et al., 2001; Marin & Marin, 1991; Warner & Srole, 1945). Previous research has found that dating and sexual behaviors of Latinos change as [page 100] they become more acculturated to American society, by resembling white, non-Latino American behaviors with increasing acculturation (Afable-Munsuz & Brindis, 2006; Aneshensel, Fielder, & Becerra, 1989; Flores et al., 1998; Ford & Norris, 1993; Guilamo-Ramos et al., 2005). Gender differences in dating behaviors and sexual activity reduce with increased acculturation (Ford & Norris, 1993; Marin et al., 1993; Upchurch, Aneshensel, & Mudgal, 2002), suggesting that acculturation moderates the effects of gender on dating and sexual behaviors.
An examination of family generations concluded that Latino cultural norms are the strongest in families where both generations (e.g., parents and children) are less acculturated (Sabogal et al., 1987). This means that with less acculturation comes a lesser risk of early dating behaviors and early sexual activity for Latino females. This, however, does not apply to Latino males, considering the already double standard of sexual expectations held by the Latino community. Acculturated Latino females are more likely than less acculturated Latinos to engage in premarital sexual intercourse and to have multiple partners (Carmona, Romero, & Loeb, 1999; Darabi & Ortiz, 1987; Ford & Norris, 1993; Sabogal et al., 1995). More recent studies have linked acculturation-related variables, such as place of birth (Ebin et al., 2001), length of time in America (Guilamo-Ramos et al., 2005), and language spoken at home (Ebin et al., 2001) to sexual timing in adolescent Latino males and females.
Other studies have failed to find a relationship between acculturation and adolescent Latino dating and sexual behaviors. Raffaelli et al. (2005) failed to find a relationship between place of birth (US-born, foreign born) and timing of sexual behaviors in female Latino college students. Jimenez, Potts and Jimenez (2002) also failed to find an association between language spoken at home (Spanish, English) and timing of sexual activity in Latino females adolescents.
Ford and Norris (1993) examined Latino males and females separately and found that acculturation measures were positively related to sexual activity for females but not for males; this study also failed to find a link between acculturation and number of sexual partners in the past year for both male and female Latinos. A more recent study examined the sexual behaviors of female Cuban American college students and found that older, less religious, and US-born Latinos were at an increased chance to be sexually active and to engage in risky sexual behaviors than other Latinos (Raffaelli et al., 2005). To date, however, no study has isolated male Cuban American college students for evaluation.
Religiosity
Previous research has documented that Latinos rely on religion as a major support system for the family unit (Bernal & Shapiro, 1996; Garcia-Preto, 1996). They may also use religion to maintain the traditional gender roles and sexual expectations of males and females of Latino origin, or perhaps these roles exist as a direct result of religious beliefs. The majority of Latinos are Roman Catholic (Driscoll et al., 2001). However, this mainstream religion is often combined with local religious beliefs as well as ideas and practices that originate in Africa (Driscoll et al., 2001). More recently, Protestantism has become more common in Latin America. Latinos in the United States may be highly influenced by their religious beliefs and practices in their daily lives (Driscoll et al., 2001), which may influence their dating behaviors and practices. [page 101]
Most studies that have examined religious influences have used measures of religiosity instead of religious affiliation (Roof & McKinney, 1987; Sherkat & Ellison, 1997). Level of religious activity may vary based on affiliation or religious denomination. Previous research has also found that level of participation in religious activities is more associated with intimate relationship attitudes than religious affiliation (Pearce & Thornton, 2007). This suggests that religiosity measured by frequency of religious participation may be a more stable measure to examine regarding dating behaviors and sexual activity instead of religious affiliation (Roof & McKinney, 1987; Sherkat & Ellison, 1997).
Religious participation reinforces attendants' religious messages and teachings. These messages generally support the idea of sexual abstinence, the sanction of marriage, and consequences for premarital sexual activity and divorce. Previous research has shown that religious participation influences ideas toward sexuality, regardless of religious affiliation or denomination (Roof & McKinney, 1987; Sherkat & Ellison, 1997). Religious participation also indicates the attendants' level of dedication to the religion (for example, teachings and community). Level of participation may also designate regular contact with believers of the religion providing behavioral monitoring, regulation of unapproved actions, as well as social sanctions within the religious community (Sherkat & Wilson, 1995). Frequent participation may hinder the amount of available dating partners as other youth members of the religion may also postpone dating behaviors and sexual activity due to religious teachings and believed consequences (Thornton & Camburn, 1989).
Religiosity has been found to be associated with adolescent and emerging adults' sexual behaviors (Beckwith & Morrow, 2005; Lefkowitz et al., 2004; Mahoney, 1980). Previous research has demonstrated that level of religiosity and current dating status are associated with sexual activity (Beckwith & Morrow, 2005; Lefkowitz et al., 2004; Mahoney, 1980; Roche & Ramsbey, 1993). Greater religious involvement has been associated with sexual abstinence and reduced sexual experience (Bearman & Bruckner 2001; Blinn-Pike, 1999; Blinn-Pike et al., 2004; Haglund, 2003; Hardy & Raffaelli 2003; Lefkowitz et al., 2004; Meier 2003; Miller & Gur 2002; Regnerus 2007; Thornton & Camburn 1989). Research has demonstrated that adolescent females are more likely to be involved in religious activities, to be sexually abstinent, and to have less sexual experience than adolescent males (Blinn-Pike, 1999; Donnelly et al., 1999; Lefkowitz et al., 2004).
Limitations of Previous Research and Purpose of Study
Previous research that has examined the dating behaviors and sexual activity of adolescent and emerging adult Latinos' has not specifically defined their participants' country of origin. The term "Latino" can include immigrants who migrated to the United States from Mexico, Cuba, Puerto Rico, Central America and South America (Driscoll et al., 2001). However, immigrants from varying countries of origin have differing cultural and social values, norms, beliefs, and behaviors that have to be altered to adapt to their new environment. Some studies have attempted to generalize findings from Mexican-Americans to the greater Latino community. However, it is not feasible to generalize behaviors and attitudes of immigrants from Mexico to immigrants from other Latin American countries, such as Cuba. Few studies have examined the dating behaviors and sexual activity of Cuban immigrants [page 102] specifically (Raffaelli, Zamboanga, & Carlo, 2005). Research that has examined Cuban immigrants has isolated Cuban females, omitting Cuban males from analyses (Raffaelli, Zamboanga, & Carlo, 2005). It is important to examine males as well considering that current literature proclaims a gendered difference in the dating behaviors and sexual activity of Latino immigrants, with males being more active than females (Driscoll et al., 2001). In addition, it is important to examine this group of immigrants considering the recent immigration trends in the United States as well as estimated Latino growth over the next forty years (U.S. Census, 2001; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 2001).
Previous research has linked level of acculturation to dating behaviors and sexual activity, with more acculturated immigrants behaving closer to their US-born, non-Latino white counterparts (Ford & Norris, 1993; Flores et al., 1998). Even so, current literature remains inconsistent. Some studies have linked measures of acculturation to increased dating behaviors and more sexual activity (Ebin et al., 2001). Other studies, however, have not found a link between the two (Jimenez, Potts & Jimenez, 2002; Raffaelli et al., 2005). Religiosity is another factor that has been associated with dating behaviors and sexual activity of Latino immigrants. These studies have used measures of frequency of religious participation rather than religious affiliation to examine the influence of religiosity (Sherkat & Wilson, 1995). Current literature claims that the more active a person is with their chosen religion, the less likely they are to be involved in dating behaviors and the less likely they are to be sexually active at an early age (Meier, 2003). It remains unclear, however, how measures of acculturation and level of religiosity interact together to influence the dating behaviors and sexual activity of Latino immigrant males from Cuba.
To address some of the limitations of previous research, the current study examined the relation between measures of acculturation and level of religiosity on the dating behaviors and sexual activity of immigrant Cuban male college students. Acculturation was measured using immigrant generation (first generation immigrant, US born with immigrant parent(s), US born with US born parents). Frequency of attendance at religious services (1 = never, 5 = several times a week) was used as an index of religiosity. Regression analyses were used to assess the extent to which the predictors were related to dating behaviors, including age when parents allowed dating, age at first date, age at first girlfriend, and age at first sexual encounter (1 = <10, 5 = >18).
Data analyzed in the current study was derived from an online survey administered at a southeastern public research university with a highly diverse student population. Participants included 62 unmarried Cuban male college students. Missing data was handled by using the Full Information Maximum Likelihood (FIML) method to estimate values for missing cases. The estimated values were then substituted for the missing cases, a process referred to as imputation, using the computer program Amelia (King, et al., 2001). The new data set was used in analyses. The following research questions were tested:
- What dating behaviors do Cuban male immigrants demonstrate?
- How does acculturation and religiosity best combine to predict the dating behaviors of immigrant Cuban males? [page 103]
Method
Participants
Sixty-two Latino male college students from Cuba participated. The majority of participants, 53 (86 percent) were between the ages of 18 and 21 with the remaining participants being between 22 and 25 (n = 9; 14 percent). Forty-two percent (n = 26) of participants were seriously dating at the time of the study, with 24 (39 percent) not dating, and 12 (19 percent) casually dating.
Sixty-three percent (n = 39) of participants were Catholic, 8 (13 percent) were Protestant, and the remaining 15 (24 percent) were of some other religious affiliation. Fifty-nine percent (n = 37) of participants rarely attended religious services (i.e., never; once a year), 14 (22 percent) attended several times a year or monthly, and 11 (17 percent) attended regularly (i.e., once a week to several times a week). Twenty-seven percent (n = 17) viewed religion as somewhat important, 39 percent (n = 24) viewed religion as important (i.e., very or extremely important), and another 33% (n = 21) viewed religion as not important.
Five percent of participants (n = 3) were born in the United States with parents who were also born in the United States (i.e., third generation immigrants); 24 percent (n = 15) were born in the United States with parents who were foreign born (i.e., second generation immigrants), and 71 percent (n = 44) were foreign born with parents who were also foreign born (i.e., first generation immigrants).
Measures
Demographic questionnaire. Participants were asked six questions that assessed their (a) age, (b) country of origin, (c) sex, (d) racial identification, and (e) current relationship status.
Acculturation questionnaire. Three questions were used to assess participants' level of acculturation. Acculturation was measured with indices of immigration generation (first, second, third). Questions included those with dichotomous response options: (1) "Were you born in the United States," (2) "Was your mother born in the United States," and (3) "Was your father born in the United States."
Religiosity questionnaire. One question that assessed frequency of religious meeting attendance (i.e., responses ranging from 1 (never) to 5 (several times a week) was used to measure participants' religiosity.
Dating behavior questionnaire. Participants answered four questions that assessed their (a) age when parents first allowed dating; (b) age at first date; (c) age at first girlfriend; and (d) age at first sexual encounter. Age responses ranged from 1 (< 10) to 5 (>18).
Procedure
All participants were recruited through introduction to psychology courses at an international university and received research credit for participation. All participants read an informed consent letter and completed the informed consent form prior to completing the 30-minute online questionnaire. Participants were first asked general demographic questions followed by sets of questions regarding their dating history and behaviors. [page 104]
Results
Dating Behaviors
Analyses revealed that the majority of participants, 32 (52 percent) were allowed to date between 13 and 15 years of age. This was also the time when the majority of participants, 31 (50 percent) went on their first date. Thirty-five percent (n = 22) had their first girlfriend at this time. Another 21 percent (n = 19) had their first girlfriend between the ages of 16 and 18 years, followed by those who had their first girlfriend between the ages of 10 and 12 years, 8 (13 percent). Forty percent (n = 25) had their first sexual encounter between the ages of 16 and 18 years, 29 percent (n = 18) engaged in their first sexual activity between the ages of 13 and 15 years, followed by 23 percent (n = 14) who had their first sexual experience over the age of 18 years. Descriptions of dating behaviors can be found in Table 1.
| Parents Allowed Dating | First Date | First Girlfriend | First Sexual Encounter | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| n | % | n | % | n | % | n | % | |
| < 10 years | 12 | 19 | - | - | 6 | 10 | 2 | 3 |
| 10 to 12 years | 7 | 11 | 5 | 8 | 8 | 13 | 3 | 5 |
| 13 to 15 years | 32 | 52 | 31 | 50 | 22 | 35 | 18 | 29 |
| 16 to 18 years | 9 | 15 | 17 | 27 | 19 | 21 | 25 | 40 |
| >18 years | 2 | 3 | 9 | 15 | 7 | 11 | 14 | 23 |
Intercorrelation of Study Variables
Intercorrelations of the study variables are presented in Table 2. There was some correlation between the outcome variables (i.e., age when parents allowed dating, age at first date, age at first girlfriend, age at first sex) to acculturation and religiosity indices. For instance, the age when parents allowed dating was correlated with having a second generation immigrant status and frequency of religious meeting attendance. Parents who were foreign born with native born children and parents who frequently attended religious services allowed dating at a later age than other parents. Age at first date and age at first girlfriend were correlated with having a first or second generation immigrant status. Being a first generation immigrant was related to earlier age at first date and earlier age at first girlfriend, while being a second generation immigrant was related to a later age at first date and later age at first girlfriend. Age at first sexual encounter was correlated with having a first or second generation immigrant status as well as frequency of religious meeting attendance. First generation immigrants had their first sexual encounter at an earlier age. Second generation immigrants had their first sexual encounter at a later age. In addition, those who attended religious services more frequently had their first sexual encounter at a later age.
Results also indicated that the outcomes measures were intercorrelated. Age when parents allowed dating was correlated with participants’ age at first date and age at first sexual encounter. Parents who allowed dating later had youth who postponed dating and sexual activity. Age at first date was also correlated with age [page 105] at first girlfriend and age at first sexual encounter. Those who did not date until a later age had their first girlfriend at a later age and had their first sexual encounter at a later age than those who dated earlier. Age at first girlfriend was correlated with age at first sexual encounter. Participants who had their first girlfriend at a later age had their first sexual encounter at a later age as well.
| Girlfriend | Date | Parental Permission | Sex | 3rd | 2nd | 1st | Religiosity | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Girlfriend | .65* | 0.19 | .44* | 0.09 | .28** | -.34* | 0.11 | |
| Date | .65* | .40* | .59* | -0.04 | .28** | -.28** | 0.19 | |
| Parental Permission | 0.19 | .40* | .29** | -0.08 | .23# | -0.2 | .26** | |
| Sex | .44* | .59* | .29** | 0.06 | .27** | -.32* | .29** | |
| 3rd | 0.09 | -0.04 | -0.08 | 0.06 | -.35* | -0.13 | 0.07 | |
| 2nd | .28** | .28** | .23# | .27** | -.35* | -.88* | 0.11 | |
| 1st | -.34* | -.28** | -0.2 | -.32* | -0.13 | -.88* | -0.15 | |
| Religiosity | 0.11 | 0.19 | .26** | .29** | 0.06 | 0.11 | -0.15 |
Age when Parents Allowed Dating
The linear combination of religiosity and acculturation was significant for age at when parents allowed dating, F (3, 61) = 2.41, p = .07, R2 = .11. Frequency of attendance at religious meetings contributed significantly to the age when parents allowed participants to begin dating, t (3, 61) = 1.93, p = .05. As frequency of religious meeting attendance increased, the age at which parents allowed dating increased as well. The overall model accounted for 11 percent of the variance in age when parents first allowed dating. Results of regression analyses can be found in Table 3.
| Parent Allowed Date | Age Date | Age Girlfriend | Age Sex | |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Third Generation | -0.58 | -0.33 | 0.24 | 0.04 |
| First Generation | -0.44 | -.53** | -.85* | -.63** |
| Religiosity | .21** | 0.11 | 0.05 | .20** |
| R2 | 0.11 | 0.11 | 0.12 | 0.16 |
| F statistic | 2.41*** | 2.31# | 2.74** | 3.63* |
[page 106]
Age at First Date
The linear combination of religiosity and acculturation was significant for age at first date, F (3, 61) = 2.31, p = .08, R2 = .11. Being a first generation immigrant was a significant contributor to the age at first date, t (3, 61) = -2.13, p = .03. This demonstrated a negative relationship between acculturation measures and age at first date, with those who were second generation (M = 3.64, SD = .84) and third generation immigrants (M = 3.33, SD = .58) reporting going on their first date at a later age (M = 3.62, SD = .82) than those who were first generation immigrants (M = 3.07, SD = .80). The overall model accounted for 11 percent of the variance in age at first date for the sample.
Age at First Girlfriend
The linear combination of religiosity and acculturation was significant for age at first girlfriend, F (3, 61) = 2.74, p = .05, R2 = .12. Being a first generation immigrant was a significant contributor to age at first girlfriend, t (3, 61) = -2.63, p = .01. This demonstrated a negative relationship between acculturation measures and age at first girlfriend, with those who were second generation (M = 3.41, SD = 1.02) and third generation immigrants (M = 3.67, SD = .58) reporting having their first girlfriend at a later age than those who were first generation immigrants (M = 2.53, SD = 1.24). The overall model accounted for 12 percent of the variance in age at first girlfriend for the sample.
Age at First Sexual Encounter
The linear combination of religiosity and acculturation was significant for age at first sexual encounter, F (3, 61) = 3.63, p = .01, R2 = .16. Being a first generation immigrant was a significant contributor to age at first sexual encounter, t (3, 61) = -2.26, p = .02. This demonstrated a negative relationship between acculturation measures and age at first sex, with those who were second generation (M = 3.91, SD = .80) and third generation immigrants (M = 4.00, SD = 1.00) reporting having their first sexual encounter at a later age than those who were first generation immigrants (M = 3.20, SD = 1.26). Frequency of attendance at religious meetings contributed significantly to age at first sex, t (3, 61) = 1.99, p = .05. As frequency of religious meeting attendance increased, the age at first sexual encounter increased as well. The overall model accounted for 16 percent of the variance in age at first sexual encounter.
Discussion
The current study assessed the association between acculturation and religiosity on the intimate relationship behaviors of Cuban male college students by questioning Cuban male emerging adults about their past experiences. The majority of research that has examined the sexual behaviors of Latino youth and emerging adults has focused on Mexican-American participants. Results of these studies are then generalized to the larger Latino community, which can also include Latinos from Cuba, Central America, South America, and Puerto Rico (Driscoll et al., 2001). Considering that 10 percent of Latino youth become sexually active prior to age 13 (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2000), it is important to avoid [page 107] generalizations and to devote more research to specific populations. Because of this need, the current study specifically focused on Cuban males.
What Dating Behaviors do Cuban Male Immigrants Demonstrate?
While there were some participants who had their first girlfriend at a later or earlier age, the majority of Cuban males in the current study tended to go on their first date and to have their first girlfriend after their parents granted permission to date. The initial age at first date was between 13 and 15 years of age. This seems somewhat early to be allowed to date. However, previous research has documented that Latino parents allow sons to participate in intimate relationship behaviors earlier than daughters (Raffaelli, 2005). This may be because of the strong masculine gender roles Latino parents expect to integrate to their sons (Jones & Korchin, 1982). This masculine goal may be so strong that Latino parents encourage sexual conquests of their sons in an attempt for him to prove his masculinity and reach machismo (Pavich, 1986). In addition, this age at dating initiation is somewhat early in comparison to white, non-Latino youth who tend to have their first date between the ages of 14 and 16 years of age (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2000).
For the most part, Cuban males had their first sexual encounter within three years of having their first girlfriend, between the ages of 16 and 18 (40 percent). Even so, there were participants who demonstrated earlier intimate relationship behaviors. For instance, 13 percent of participants had their first girlfriend between the ages of 10 and 12 years, and 29 percent engaged in their first sexual activity between the ages of 13 and 15 years of age. These statistics are not surprising, as estimates suggest that 10 percent of Latino youth become sexually active prior to age 13, compared to only 5 percent of white American adolescents (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2000). Results of the current study may suggest that Cuban males participate in sexual activity earlier than their Latino counterparts. The younger dating and sexual behaviors of Cuban males supports previous research that has concluded that Latino males have sex at a younger age than females (Driscoll et al., 2001; Raffaelli et al., 2005), are more involved in dating behaviors, initiate dating and sexual activity earlier than females (Driscoll et al., 2001), and have higher rates of sexual intercourse and more sexual partners than females (Raffaelli, 2005). This particular gender difference in the intimate relationship behaviors of Cuban males and females appears to be a direct result of the double standard that exists in terms of premarital virginity (Jones & Korchin, 1982; Marin & Marin, 1991; Pavich, 1986). Cuban males may initiate early intimate relationship behaviors, such as dating and sexual intercourse, in an attempt to achieve machismo (Alvirez et al., 1981; Mirande, 1988). It remains unclear, however, if the ultimate goal during these activities is fatherhood, as fatherhood is seen as the ultimate achievement of machismo (Alvirez et al., 1981; Mirande, 1988; Pavich, 1986).
How Does Acculturation and Religiosity Best Combine to Predict the Dating Behaviors of Immigrant Cuban Males?
Frequency of religious meeting attendance influenced the age when parents allowed their Cuban sons to date, with those who attended religious services frequently postponing giving permission to date. In addition, age at first sexual encounter was [page 108] also influenced by frequency of religious meeting attendance. Cuban males who attended religious services frequently postponed sexual activity until a later age than those who attended religious services less frequently. Religiosity, however, did not significantly impact age at first date or age at first girlfriend.
These findings are in agreement with previous research on religiosity that has found that level of participation in religious activities is associated with intimate relationship attitudes (Pearce & Thornton, 2007; Roof & McKinney 1987; Sherkat & Ellison 1997). This is not just for the adolescent or emerging adult but also for the parent as well.
Frequent religious meeting attendance reinforces the religious messages and teachings, which often promote sexual abstinence, the sanction of marriage, and consequences for premarital sexual activity and divorce; and demonstrates dedication to such teachings. Parents listen to these messages and come to the conclusion that postponing permission to date will postpone or prevent their adolescents and emerging adults from engaging in premarital sexual activity. In the current study, parents were somewhat successful in postponing sexual activity as youth who attended religious services frequently waited longer to have sex than youth who did not attend religious services frequently. In addition, frequent religious activity not only provides behavioral monitoring, regulation of unapproved actions, and social sanctions within the religious community (Sherkat & Wilson, 1995) for youth, but for parents as well. Parents may have their parental practices observed by the religious community and maintain parental monitoring practices that are congruent with the teachings of that particular religion.
Previous research has found that religiosity is associated with adolescent and emerging adults’ sexual behaviors (Beckwith & Morrow, 2005; Lefkowitz et al., 2004; Mahoney, 1980), with greater religious involvement being linked with sexual abstinence and reduced sexual experience (Bearman & Bruckner 2001; Blinn-Pike, 1999; Blinn-Pike et al., 2004; Haglund, 2003; Hardy & Raffaelli 2003; Lefkowitz et al., 2004; Meier 2003; Miller & Gur 2002; Regnerus 2007; Thornton & Camburn 1989). The same was found in the current study for Cuban males. It may be that frequent participation limits the number of potential dating partners as other youth members of the religion also postpone dating behaviors and sexual activity due to religious teachings and believed consequences (Thornton & Camburn, 1989).
Immigrant status impacted when Cuban males went on their first date, how old they were when they had their first girlfriend, and how old they were when they had their first sexual encounter. Those who were first generation immigrants, meaning that both of their parents and the participant were born in Cuba and later moved to the United States, went on their first date earlier, had their first girlfriend earlier, and had their first sexual encounter at an earlier age than second and third generation immigrants. It appears as though the rigid gender roles and sexual expectations that exist in Cuban culture make their way into American society with the migration of Cuban immigrants. Cuban immigrants embrace machismo, as well as marianismo, and these expectations are evident in their intimate relationship behaviors. With this in mind, it makes sense that first generation immigrants would demonstrate earlier dating and sexual behaviors than second and third generation immigrants. It may be that, for Cuban male immigrants, as they become more [page 109] acculturated to American society, their expectations for machismo decrease, and as a result, the age when they begin dating and engaging in sexual behaviors increases.
Findings from the current study differ from past research in a number of ways. Previous research has found that dating and sexual behaviors of Latinos change as they become more acculturated to American society, by resembling white, non-Hispanic American behaviors with increasing acculturation (Afable-Munsuz & Brindis, 2006; Aneshensel, Fielder, & Becerra, 1989; Flores et al., 1998; Ford & Norris, 1993; Guilamo-Ramos et al., 2005). In addition, previous research has concluded that with less acculturation comes less risk of early dating behaviors and early sexual activity (Sabogal et al., 1987).
This was not the case in the current study. Here, less acculturated Cuban males were at an increased risk for early dating behaviors and early sexual activity. In the current study, as acculturation increased there was less of a risk for early dating and sexual activity for Cuban males. These differences may be a result of examining differing populations as well as the result of decreasing expectations regarding machismo. The majority of research on Hispanic and Latino youth and emerging adults has focused on participants from Mexico (i.e., Aneshensel, Fielder, & Becerra, 1989; Ford & Norris, 1993). The current study, however, specifically focused on Cuban males.
Limitations of Study
The sample used in this study was a college population, representing a distinct group of Latino adolescents and emerging adults. Latino students have lower rates of college attendance (Orfield, 2002) compared to native born students, causing problems for generalizing the findings of this study to Latino non-college students and emerging adults. Also, the survey was administered online. This may have interfered with how participants responded to answers. They may not have been completely honest in their responses or they may have exaggerated or underreported their experiences.
Implications for Future Research
The current study demonstrates that differences exist between Cuban males and Mexican Latino youth and emerging adults in terms of intimate relationship behaviors. Specifically, the trends found in Mexican Latino youth are not present for Cuban males. In fact, the acculturation trend works in the opposite direction for Cuban males with less acculturated Cuban males being at a higher risk for early dating behaviors and early sexual activity. Further investigation on these differences is needed.
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